| In our presentations we endeavour to create convincing and well-researched impressions of the dress and accoutrements of people of particular cultures, sub-periods (ideally century, half-century or even decade) and of particular status or societal role. Recently there has been a trend towards re-creation of assemblages from specific graves, though most such contexts fall well short of providing sufficient evidence on which to entirely base all details of costume, let alone other more ephemeral aspects of appearance. One such matter is that of hairstyle. We very frequently encounter individuals with very strong opinions on the matter of what hairstyles the people of late- |  "Criticise our haircuts one more time, I dare you..." |
antiquity or early medieval period would have had, and are keen to point out how wrong we are, for our variously either “too modern” or “too clichéd” haircuts. Such criticism raises two questions; What do we really know about the hairstyles of nominally “Anglo-Saxon” and “Viking” period peoples? What is our group’s authenticity policy with respect to this issue?
In this article we hope to address both questions with respect to male hairstyle and grooming, with a further article on womens’ hair and head-wear to follow.
(Originally published in October 2019)
In this article we hope to address both questions with respect to male hairstyle and grooming, with a further article on womens’ hair and head-wear to follow.
(Originally published in October 2019)
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We begin first with the evidence. Both written and pictorial sources are representative of a particular class of individual within a particular culture, at a particular point in time, and so, to begin with, there are interpretative challenges in deciding to what extent evidence exotic to a culture and century in question is relevant. At the outset, this makes the matter at hand a "can of worms", so for the purposes of clarity and convenience, the evidence discussed below is structured by its origin and not its relevance.
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Early to Middle “Anglo Saxon”
Direct evidence for hairstyles of the people of lowland Britain in the 5-8th centuries is remarkably scarce. The reason for this is, firstly, the very limited written record for this period (which in the past has led to it being referred to as the “Dark Ages”), and secondly because of the scarcity and generally low resolution of human depictions.
Highly stylised male faces / masks which appear in early Anglo-Saxon art (such as button brooches, a bracteate pendant from Faversham, and the beast-flanked figure in the cloisonné of the Sutton Hoo Mound 1 / ”SHM1” purse lid) show voluminous moustaches with otherwise no hint of beard, and no clarity provided on the hair on the head; there are, however, plenty of depictions which are beardless, reportedly outnumbering bearded depictions. While these may represent youths, the relatively greater number of beardless figures, it has been suggested, are more likely to indicate shaving was common particularly among the upper classes (Owen Crocker, 2004). Razor blades, well-crafted shears, tweezers and combs are common finds – equipment making a wide range of hairstyles and facial hair possible. If any theme can be drawn from such archaeology, it is that whatever style was favoured, grooming and appearance were a high priority among these 5-7th century peoples.
The unique 5th century 3D sculptural depiction – the clay cremation lid from Spong Hill, Norfolk, known as the “Spong Man” – is in fact of ambiguous gender, with no characteristics which can clearly identify the subject as male or female, and the only distinctive feature – a carinated feature on the top of the head, though it could be a wide bun similar to an ostentatious female hairstyle trend from Imperial Rome (the Orbis Comarum), is more commonly interpreted as a pillbox hat.
The unique 5th century 3D sculptural depiction – the clay cremation lid from Spong Hill, Norfolk, known as the “Spong Man” – is in fact of ambiguous gender, with no characteristics which can clearly identify the subject as male or female, and the only distinctive feature – a carinated feature on the top of the head, though it could be a wide bun similar to an ostentatious female hairstyle trend from Imperial Rome (the Orbis Comarum), is more commonly interpreted as a pillbox hat.
"Spong Man" - 5th century cremation urn lid from cemetery at Spong Hill, Norfolk.
The most abundant single source from early Anglo-Saxon lowland Britain of facial depictions is arguably the famous whetstone sceptre from Sutton Hoo Mound 1 (SHM1). The eight distinct faces carefully carved into the hard stone are, in fact, all confined within a sharp teardrop-shaped frame which constrains possibilities for depiction of hairstyle or headwear, but nevertheless, three have pointed beards (continuous with short moustache in some cases, but without moustache in one case) and the remaining five are beardless or bearded but with exposed chin (neckbeard); those with exposed chin but “beard” texture beneath may actually be a clumsy attempt at depicting clothing on the neck, or shoulder-length hair falling around the face, and the possibility that these figures are female should also not be ruled out. All figures have a sharply defined hairline at the top of the forehead with hair drawn, to various extents, backward. On some (including some of the bearded depictions) hair is drawn straight back from the forehead in a manner as if tied back, while in others (including one of the bearded faces, and one with exposed chin) it falls in curtains around the face. Although these depictions do not provide a great deal of clarity, they do at least provide strong evidence for the hair of males (presumably of relatively high status given the context) long enough to be worn variously tied back, or cascading around the face.
Faces from the Sutton Hoo Whetstone/Sceptre (British Museum); stag-end faces top row, base end bottom row (inverted). Shown here in no particular order.
c6th Frankish Childeric I ring showing centre-parted long hair The association between long hair and status, in north-western Europe is relatively ancient and well documented. There is abundant documentary evidence that the leaders of the Franks wore their hair long, and that this became synonymous with Frankish rulership. The 6th century Gregory of Tours glossed the origins of the Frankish rulers; that they “set up long-haired kings (reges criniti) in each country district and each city chosen from the foremost and most noble family of their race”, who ruled until Clovis I established the Merovingian dynasty and long-hair became an exclusive sign of Frankish kingship (Goosmann, 2012). The early 5th century Greek historian Agathias described one Frankish king, Chlodomer as having hair “flowing and abundant, loose down to his back”, further explaining that;
“it is a rule for Frankish kings never to be shorn; instead their hair is never cut from childhood on, and hangs down in abundance on their shoulders. Their front hair is parted on the forehead and falls down on either side. Their hair is not uncombed and dry and dirty and braided up in a messy knot like that of the Turks or Avars; instead they anoint it with unguents of different sorts and comb it. […] Their subjects have their hair cut all round, and are not permitted to grow it further.”
The detail from Agathias’ description, of centre parted hair falling either side of the face, is reminiscent of what is seen on the Sutton Hoo whetstone, yet the Merovingian dynasty was marked out for its commitment to long hair (which was an essential prerequisite for kingship) and there is no reason to assume this applied to the kingdoms of “Anglo-Saxon” lowland Britain. At the root of the association between long hair and status in Frankia and possibly kingdoms in contact with them, is the expense and labour associated with its maintenance, which is hinted at by Agathias; to have long hair is to advertise that one can afford the servants, ointments and time to maintain it. For most in society, practicality and comfort would be a higher priority, especially given the ubiquitous annoyance of ectoparasites (read more here).
By the middle Anglo-Saxon period the norm appears to have been for hair to be cropped to short or medium length, though figures with longer hair in the book of Kells suggests fashions in the Celtic sphere of influence may have been different (Owen-Crocker, 2004). Men vowed to monasticism would be tonsured in the familiar Roman “crown of thorns” style or, at least up to the time of the Synod of Whitby (664 CE) in an alternative “Celtic tonsure” the particulars of which is not wholly understood. Depictions of beardless, moustached, and pointed-bearded figures continue, though plaited beards are a feature which seems to be exclusive to Celtic art. Although further into the Christian period there may have been awareness of St Paul’s dictum that men should have short hair, there is evidence for a somewhat contrary pressure of religious austerity against vanity and overly elaborate grooming. Writings from the Northumbrian scholar Alcuin, embedded in Charlemagne’s court in the late 8th century, frequently warn against extravagance of appearance (Garrison, 1995) and a letter to King Aethelred of Northumbria in 793 specifically mentions grooming;
“it is a rule for Frankish kings never to be shorn; instead their hair is never cut from childhood on, and hangs down in abundance on their shoulders. Their front hair is parted on the forehead and falls down on either side. Their hair is not uncombed and dry and dirty and braided up in a messy knot like that of the Turks or Avars; instead they anoint it with unguents of different sorts and comb it. […] Their subjects have their hair cut all round, and are not permitted to grow it further.”
The detail from Agathias’ description, of centre parted hair falling either side of the face, is reminiscent of what is seen on the Sutton Hoo whetstone, yet the Merovingian dynasty was marked out for its commitment to long hair (which was an essential prerequisite for kingship) and there is no reason to assume this applied to the kingdoms of “Anglo-Saxon” lowland Britain. At the root of the association between long hair and status in Frankia and possibly kingdoms in contact with them, is the expense and labour associated with its maintenance, which is hinted at by Agathias; to have long hair is to advertise that one can afford the servants, ointments and time to maintain it. For most in society, practicality and comfort would be a higher priority, especially given the ubiquitous annoyance of ectoparasites (read more here).
By the middle Anglo-Saxon period the norm appears to have been for hair to be cropped to short or medium length, though figures with longer hair in the book of Kells suggests fashions in the Celtic sphere of influence may have been different (Owen-Crocker, 2004). Men vowed to monasticism would be tonsured in the familiar Roman “crown of thorns” style or, at least up to the time of the Synod of Whitby (664 CE) in an alternative “Celtic tonsure” the particulars of which is not wholly understood. Depictions of beardless, moustached, and pointed-bearded figures continue, though plaited beards are a feature which seems to be exclusive to Celtic art. Although further into the Christian period there may have been awareness of St Paul’s dictum that men should have short hair, there is evidence for a somewhat contrary pressure of religious austerity against vanity and overly elaborate grooming. Writings from the Northumbrian scholar Alcuin, embedded in Charlemagne’s court in the late 8th century, frequently warn against extravagance of appearance (Garrison, 1995) and a letter to King Aethelred of Northumbria in 793 specifically mentions grooming;
“Considerate habitum, tunsuram, et mores principum et populi luxuriosos. Ecce tonsura quam in barbis et in capillis paganis adsimilari voluistis”.
“Consider the dress, hairstyle and luxurious habits of the princes and people. Look at your trimming of beard and hair in which you have sought to resemble the pagans”.
The association between more elaborate grooming with paganism is a theme which would run through other Anglo-Saxon writings into the nominal “Viking” period.
Classical to Migration Age “Germania”
| Where contemporary sources fail us, it is usual practice to refer to Classical sources pertaining to the period prior to the nominal “Anglo-Saxon Period”, but the relevance of these, pertaining to different cultures far removed in space and time, is questionable and a matter for the reader to judge. It is likely that the on the whole highly conservative attitude to male hairstyles which (with the exception of a changeable attitude to beards) ran throughout the Roman period (abundantly evidenced in sculpture) become predominant in Roman Britain; there is little to be known of the fashions of the native Britons or to what extent they might have experienced a resurgence in the 5th century, and given other aspects of fashion and material culture became overwhelmingly dominated by influence from “Germanic” Northern Europe (uncontroversially, and to say nothing of the debate on migration) it makes sense to look at what we know of their hairstyles. |  Roman marble head from Somzée, Belgium. |
The main classical source for information on the inhabitants of northern Europe (“Germania”) is the treatise by Tacitus on the subject from 98 CE. The account is relatively detailed, yet nowhere is the means by which Tacitus acquired this knowledge described; it is unlikely he travelled so widely and personally observed all the tribes he described, and much of the contents of this work likely derived at best from discussions with traders or re-interpretation of other (now lost) texts. Tacitus physical observations are few and far between, and specific to particular tribes.
Of the Catti (who occupied a territory encompassing Hesse, Thuringia, part of Paderborn, of Fulda, and of Franconia) Tacitus reports that;
Of the Catti (who occupied a territory encompassing Hesse, Thuringia, part of Paderborn, of Fulda, and of Franconia) Tacitus reports that;
“from the time they reach maturity they let their hair and beard grow, and do not divest themselves of this votive badge, the promise of valor, until they have slain an enemy. […] Many of the Catti assume this distinction, and grow hoary under this mark, conspicuous to foes and friends."
He goes on to say of the Suevi “who occupy the greatest part of Germany”, that;
“it is characteristic of these people to turn their hair sideways, and tie it beneath the poll in a knot. By this mark the Suevi are distinguished from the rest of the Germans; and the freemen of the Suevi from the slaves.”
From this we might assume this distinctive knotted hairstyle is peculiar to this tribe, yet Tacitus outlines a caveat that;
“among other nations this mode, either on account of some relationship with the Suevi or from the usual propensity to imitation, is sometimes adopted; but rarely, and only during the period of youth”.
So in Tacitus’ time it seems the fashion was spreading to other tribes, if only among the young. Other sources of evidence (discussed below) suggests this fashion only continued to spread, but Tacitus also offers description of variations on its theme, at least among the Suebi themselves.
“the Suevi, even till they are hoary, continue to have their hair growing stiffly backward, and often it is fastened on the very crown of the head. The chiefs dress it with still greater care and ornamentation, though of an undebasing kind. For their design is not to make lover or inspire it; they decorate themselves in this manner as they proceed to war, in order to seem taller and more terrible; and dress for the eyes of their enemies.”
This relatively thorough description of hairstyle, if to be believed, is critical, painting a picture of two distinct hairstyles; a side-knotted or coil-braided style, and a top-knot style; both, with the drawing back of hair from the face and tying, are somewhat consistent with some of the depictions from the much later Sutton Hoo whetstone. Although these “Suebian knot” hairstyles are described as relatively exclusive to this tribe, acitus does describe the beginnings of a spread to neighbouring tribes. The Suebian knot is well represented in Roman art, with examples including;
Although it might be assumed that this abundance in Roman depictions of Germanic males might indicate its widespread adoption, it could equally be the result of artists focusing in on this distinctive hairstyle as a way of visually signalling that the subject was a German, perhaps even because of Tacitus’ writings.
- Trajan’s Column, Rome (2nd century)
- Portonaccio sarcophagus, Rome (2nd century)
- Tropaeum Traiani, Adamklissi, Romania (2nd century)
- Bronze sculpture in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France Paris, Cabinet des Bédailles Paris, Invenory No. 915. (1-2nd century)
- Marble head of a German from Somzée, Belgium (1-2nd century)
- Terra Cotta theatrical mask, Blacas Collection. British Museum.
- Mušov Cauldron, South Moravia, Czech Republic (2nd century)
- Bronze Cauldron from a Wielbark-Culture grave, Czarnowko, Poland. (2-3rd century)
Although it might be assumed that this abundance in Roman depictions of Germanic males might indicate its widespread adoption, it could equally be the result of artists focusing in on this distinctive hairstyle as a way of visually signalling that the subject was a German, perhaps even because of Tacitus’ writings.
| However, the Suebian knot is also directly archaeologically evidenced, including from the “Angeln” region considered original home of the Anglian settlers of lowland Britain;
|  Osterby Man - North Germany, c100 CE. |
It is, further, represented in “home grown” (as opposed to imported or otherwise “acquired” Roman ware) Germanic artwork, most notably bracteates from 5-6th century. These enigmatic gold pendants, though themselves to be based on 4th century Roman military medallions, have been studied extensively and are worthy of multiple articles on their own, but a key feature (which has been used to typologize them) is the hairstyle of the male figure on many of them, which most commonly includes some kind of knotted hairstyle, sometimes with a trailing plait (Rundkvist, 2006). The distribution of bracteates with this sort of depiction have an overwhelmingly Scandinavian and Baltic coast distribution with outliers from Germany, The Netherlands and from early Anglo-Saxon contexts in Britain (Behr, 2006 & 2010). Although there is much that is not known about such bracteates they provide artistic evidence for awareness of knotted hairstyles across Northern Europe (arguably including Britain) into the 5-6th centuries; the hairstyle was not just a Roman stereotype.
Gold C5th Bracteates from Funen, Denmark (DR BR42) and Unknown (Met Museum NY. 2001.583), not to scale.
The 5th century Gallo-Roman poet Sidonius’ descriptions of the early Franks mention “oily top-knots” (Owen-Crocker, 2004) which may indicate spread and continuity of the Suebian knot hairstyle into the 5th century, or he may be falling into a lazy stereotype established by Tacitus. However, he goes on to further describe the Franks;
“…rutili quibus arce cerebri ad frontem coma tracta iacet nudataque cervix saetarum per damna nitet, tum lumine glauco albet aquosa acies ac vultibus undique rasis pro barba tenues perarantur pectine crisae.“
“… on the crown whose red pates lies the hair that has been drawn towards the front, while the neck, exposed by the loss of its covering, shows bright. Their eyes are faint and pale, with a glimmer of greyish blue. Their faces are shaven all round, and instead of beards they have thin moustaches which they run through with a comb.”
Sidonius further describes “blue-eyed Saxon seamen” providing some further fascinating details;
stic Saxona caerulum videmus assuetum ante salo solum timere; cuius verticis
extimas per oras non contenta suos tenere morsusarat lammina marginem comarum,
et sic crinibus ad cutem recisis decrescit caput additurque vultus.
“Here in Bordeux we see the blue-eyed Saxon afraid of the land, accustomed as he is to the sea; along the extreme edges of his pate the razor, refusing to restrain its bite, pushes back the frontier of his hair and, with the growth thus clipped to the skin, his head is reduced and his face enlarged.”
Together, the descriptions of Tacitus and the later Sidonius, along with archaeological finds and art, paint a picture of male hairstyles in Roman to Migration-Age Northern Europe as a landscape of hipster top-knots and undercuts. But having examined the evidence for male hairstyles before the so-called “Dark Ages”, what about evidence from the “late Anglo-Saxon Period” / “Viking Age”?
"Late Anglo-Saxon" and "Viking Age"
| Like in Early “Anglo-Saxon” England, grooming tools such as combs, tweezers and shears are similarly common from Scandiavian contexts up to and including the so-called “Viking Age”. Again, similarly to the pre-Christian period in Britain, depictions of faces at reasonable resolution to discern hair details are scarce, but carvings from the Oseberg ship (wagon) show pointed beards (right), moustaches, and in one case, hair only on the very top of the head (below), with the back and sides shaved. Among Norse picture stones, men are typically shown with short hair (contrasting with women typically with long knotted ponytails) but some identifiable male figures have plaited hair – in at least one case, a ponytail was worn with a beard (Arwill-Nordbladh, 2016). There are few written descriptions, and those which do exist are quite exotic. One comes from Leo the Deacon – 10th century Byzantine chronicler, who described a meeting between Emperor John I Tzimiskes, and |  Bearded face from the wagon from the Oseberg ship burial, 9th century Norway. |
Kievan Rus leader Sviatoslav in 971. Unfortunately, it is not clear whether he was actually present to witness this meeting, and there is a great deal of ambiguity involved in translating the account, with describes the Rus prince as having “a thin beard, thick lengthy moustache. His head was shaven clean. Some of his hair fell on one side (or on both sides) of his head.”. (“The Viking Rune”, 2019).
Carving from the wagon from the early 9th century Oseberg Ship Burial; hair only on the top of the head
9th century picture stone from Tängelgårda, Sweden; pointed beards and ponytails.
Closer to home, there is also an account by Ælfric of Eynsham (his Letter to Edward) from around 1000 CE; like Alciun two centuries before, Ælfric disparages the shameful adoption of heathen Danish customs by Englishmen.
"Ic secge eac ðe, broðor Eadweard, nu ðu me þyses bæde, þæt ge doð unrihtlice þæt ge ða Engliscan þeawas forlætað þe eowre fæderas heoldon and hæðenra manna þeawas lufiað þe eow ðæs lifes neunnon, and mid ðam geswuteliað þæt ge forseoð eower cynn and eowre yldran mid þam unþeawum, þonne ge him on teonan tysliað eow on Denisc, ableredum hneccan and ablendum eagum.”
“I say to you, brother Edward, since you ask, that you act unrighteously by abandoning English customs which your fathers held, and loving the customs of the heathens who did not give life to you, showing that you despise your race and your elders by dressing yourself as a Dane, with bald neck and blinded eyes.”
This description is reminiscent of Sidonius’ descriptions of the shaved necks of the 5th century Franks and Saxons, and resembles the depictions of Normans on the Bayeux Tapestry with the backs of their heads shaved, while the hair falls low on their foreheads. Together this might imply some degree of continuity in favoured hairstyles among “north men” from the 5th to 11th centuries.
Late Norse texts such as the Icelandic Eddas, though light on detail, place particular importance on grooming and hair-styling, both in descriptions of characters and as a way to communicate or reinforce social role and status (Arwill-Nordbladh, 2016). That Norse hairstyles were in some way distinctive is further reinforced by a Norwegian Kristenrett from the law of Borgarthing which suggests that, should a drowned seafarer with Norse hairstyle wash ashore, he should be buried in a Christian graveyard.
This description is reminiscent of Sidonius’ descriptions of the shaved necks of the 5th century Franks and Saxons, and resembles the depictions of Normans on the Bayeux Tapestry with the backs of their heads shaved, while the hair falls low on their foreheads. Together this might imply some degree of continuity in favoured hairstyles among “north men” from the 5th to 11th centuries.
Late Norse texts such as the Icelandic Eddas, though light on detail, place particular importance on grooming and hair-styling, both in descriptions of characters and as a way to communicate or reinforce social role and status (Arwill-Nordbladh, 2016). That Norse hairstyles were in some way distinctive is further reinforced by a Norwegian Kristenrett from the law of Borgarthing which suggests that, should a drowned seafarer with Norse hairstyle wash ashore, he should be buried in a Christian graveyard.
Late Norse texts such as the Icelandic Eddas, though light on detail, place particular importance on grooming and hair-styling, both in descriptions of characters and as a way to communicate or reinforce social role and status (Arwill-Nordbladh, 2016). That Norse hairstyles were in some way distinctive is further reinforced by a Norwegian Kristenrett from the law of Borgarthing which suggests that, should a drowned seafarer with Norse hairstyle wash ashore, he should be buried in a Christian graveyard.
This description is reminiscent of Sidonius’ descriptions of the shaved necks of the 5th century Franks and Saxons, and resembles the depictions of Normans on the Bayeux Tapestry with the backs of their heads shaved, while the hair falls low on their foreheads. Together this might imply some degree of continuity in favoured hairstyles among “north men” from the 5th to 11th centuries.
Late Norse texts such as the Icelandic Eddas, though light on detail, place particular importance on grooming and hair-styling, both in descriptions of characters and as a way to communicate or reinforce social role and status (Arwill-Nordbladh, 2016). That Norse hairstyles were in some way distinctive is further reinforced by a Norwegian Kristenrett from the law of Borgarthing which suggests that, should a drowned seafarer with Norse hairstyle wash ashore, he should be buried in a Christian graveyard.
King Æthelstan (Frontispiece of Bede's Life of St Cuthbert, MS 183, f.1v, circa 930 CE. Corpus Christi College, Cambridge), and King Edgar (New Minster Charter, 966 CE. British Library MS Cotton Vespasian A viii.).
n 10th-11th century English art, mens hair is generally depicted as short; an exception is the Hexateuch, where hair is shown shoulder-length and centre-parted (Owen-Crocker, 2004).
Beards with and without moustaches are seen (such as in the depiction of King Edgar and Christ In Majesty, New Minster Charter, MS Cotton Vespasian A viii, fol v2). Through the 11th century and into the early 12th some manuscripts show a preference for “cloud like” depictions of hair (eg. Tiberius Psalter, Ms Tiberius C vi) possibly implying slightly longer curly hair, but given this tends to span all depictions within the work it is likely artistic preference rather than representing any particular fashion.
Beards with and without moustaches are seen (such as in the depiction of King Edgar and Christ In Majesty, New Minster Charter, MS Cotton Vespasian A viii, fol v2). Through the 11th century and into the early 12th some manuscripts show a preference for “cloud like” depictions of hair (eg. Tiberius Psalter, Ms Tiberius C vi) possibly implying slightly longer curly hair, but given this tends to span all depictions within the work it is likely artistic preference rather than representing any particular fashion.
Detail from the Old English Hexateuch (Public Domain; British Library, Cotton MS Claudius B IV f.51r)
Late 11th - early 12th century Tiberius Psalter (MS Cotton Tiberius C VI, f.12v)
The Bayeux Tapestry shows Anglo-Saxon men with neat hairstyles with fringes on the forehead, and un-tapered at the neck; thin wide moustaches also once again make an appearance. The relatively high proportion of males on the Bayeux Tapestry without beards (even those shown balding) has been interpreted as suggesting that by the 11th century most English males were clean shaven (Owen-Crocker, 2004); the messy stitched “stubble” of the priest tending to King Edward the Confessor, included to show he has been there all night, it is thought, suggests men were typically shaving daily.
Bayeux Tapestry; death of Edward the Confessor. English are mostly shown with neat medium-short hair and shaven faces; the elderly king has long beard communicating age and wisdom, while priest is depicted with stubble.
Bayeux Tapestry; Harold Godwinson shown with English medium-short hair and wide moustache, contrasting with Normans (left and right) with the distinctive "Norman Haircut" with back of head shaved.
As mentioned earlier, the most striking detail of grooming represented on the Bayeux Tapestry is the distinctive "Norman" haircut. The distinction between English and Norman hairstyle is clearly a device for distinguishing characters allegiances in the highly political first half of the work, and so the prevalence and distinctiveness of the Norman haircut may have been exagerated to serve this purpose, yet it is unlikely it sprang from nowhere and must have been based on a fashion which had indeed been observed among the new Norman overlords, by the embroiders. The "Norman haircut" extends to Wido / Guy I of Ponthieu, but depictions of Duke William show him with hair in the English style.
Conclusions
Although the above evidence may at a glance appear substantial, we have in this article covered sparse evidence spanning approximately 1000 years and approximately 2000 miles. While the picture we are presented with from art work is distorted by artistic conventions and style trends, written accounts are offer poor resolution descriptions subject to the vagaries of translation of languages from the distant past, and the distortions and biases of writers who, at best, might have cause to exaggerate or over-emphasise the strangeness of the peoples they describe, or at worst might entirely fabricate details to fit their agenda. In truth we really know very little about the specifics of male hairstyles from the Migration Age through to the Viking Age and given the limitations of any individual source it is arguably more helpful to consider themes which emerge from studying the evidence base as a whole. These themes which do not rely on any one single source include;
Some of these themes may come as a surprise, in that they in some ways correlate with the distinctive looks from a now infamous History Channel show (which owes more to an early 2010s collision of contemporary borgois fashion subcultures) and run against commonly held assumptions about the Classical Era Germanic peoples, early Anglo-Saxons or Vikings being hairy unkempt barbarians. The older familiar image of long hair and untrimmed beards in fact probably owes more to the pervasive “noble savage” fantasy which has for centuries been ignorantly applied to these cultures, and possibly, too, to a degree of 20th century sub-cultural cross-pollination from the early days of re-enactment.
Nevertheless, these themes fall far short of providing precise details for any particular haircut for our main period or cultures of interest, and even if evidence were to emerge it would only capture the style worn by one person, or at best a group of people, at a particular time. There is no real basis to assume that individuals could not, or did not wear their hair differently from one day or week to the next. We have no evidence (with the exception of the monk’s tonsure, and possibly the long centre-parted hair of the Merovingian kings) for any particular hairstyle being prescribed or universal among any rung of society among these cultures. It is therefore a source of some frustration when critics state, with undue confidence, that a particular reenactor’s haircut “is not Viking” or “is not Anglo-Saxon”.
HIC DISPUTANDUM DE PATERETUR TONSURAS, INTERFECTUS EST.
- Written accounts, and archaeology suggesting grooming and appearance were taken seriously.
- Variation between neighbouring cultures and over time, with respect to the prevalence of shaving, the wearing of neatly trimmed/shaped beards or moustaches.
- Abundant evidence for knotted hairstyles into the Migration Period which may have persisted.
- Abundant documentary evidence for “pushing back the hairline” by shaving / undercutting in various ways, both in the Classical to Migration Age, and Viking Age.
Some of these themes may come as a surprise, in that they in some ways correlate with the distinctive looks from a now infamous History Channel show (which owes more to an early 2010s collision of contemporary borgois fashion subcultures) and run against commonly held assumptions about the Classical Era Germanic peoples, early Anglo-Saxons or Vikings being hairy unkempt barbarians. The older familiar image of long hair and untrimmed beards in fact probably owes more to the pervasive “noble savage” fantasy which has for centuries been ignorantly applied to these cultures, and possibly, too, to a degree of 20th century sub-cultural cross-pollination from the early days of re-enactment.
Nevertheless, these themes fall far short of providing precise details for any particular haircut for our main period or cultures of interest, and even if evidence were to emerge it would only capture the style worn by one person, or at best a group of people, at a particular time. There is no real basis to assume that individuals could not, or did not wear their hair differently from one day or week to the next. We have no evidence (with the exception of the monk’s tonsure, and possibly the long centre-parted hair of the Merovingian kings) for any particular hairstyle being prescribed or universal among any rung of society among these cultures. It is therefore a source of some frustration when critics state, with undue confidence, that a particular reenactor’s haircut “is not Viking” or “is not Anglo-Saxon”.
HIC DISPUTANDUM DE PATERETUR TONSURAS, INTERFECTUS EST.
Our Position
Though subject to review should it ever be raised at committee, our position as an organisation striving for authenticity and intellectual honesty in our presentations, but also inclusivity and accommodation of the realities of participants lives, is for the most part not to seek to regulate the “authenticity” of hairstyles. In our view, the evidence base is far from sufficient to allow for prescriptivism on this issue.
Living History is about conversations; we do not attend events “in character” but instead discuss history and archaeology while dressed as walking visual-aids. Where haircuts might not be in line with people’s expectations, our team are prepared to discuss the actual evidence concerning the matter at length, yet it should go without saying that when an impression of a “7th century Anglo-Saxon warrior” is presented, implicit in the caption is that it is in fact a modern human being and hobbyist dressing, for a couple of weekends a year, as a 7th century Anglo-Saxon warrior.
Even if the evidence base were sufficient to allow it, it would be wholly unreasonable to expect participants to make medium to long term choices structuring their appearance around those few weekends a year – particularly where the “authentic” choice (such as the infamous Suebian Knot or "Norman haircut") might not be in keeping with particular employers’ appearance standards / dress-code. To have such expectations of commitment, particularly from those just entering the hobby, in pursuit of “authenticity” of an aspect which remains largely unknowable, is to erect unnecessary barriers to participation, when our priority should be maximising inclusion and participation.
Living History is about conversations; we do not attend events “in character” but instead discuss history and archaeology while dressed as walking visual-aids. Where haircuts might not be in line with people’s expectations, our team are prepared to discuss the actual evidence concerning the matter at length, yet it should go without saying that when an impression of a “7th century Anglo-Saxon warrior” is presented, implicit in the caption is that it is in fact a modern human being and hobbyist dressing, for a couple of weekends a year, as a 7th century Anglo-Saxon warrior.
Even if the evidence base were sufficient to allow it, it would be wholly unreasonable to expect participants to make medium to long term choices structuring their appearance around those few weekends a year – particularly where the “authentic” choice (such as the infamous Suebian Knot or "Norman haircut") might not be in keeping with particular employers’ appearance standards / dress-code. To have such expectations of commitment, particularly from those just entering the hobby, in pursuit of “authenticity” of an aspect which remains largely unknowable, is to erect unnecessary barriers to participation, when our priority should be maximising inclusion and participation.
References
| Owen-Crocker, G.R., 2004. Dress in Anglo-Saxon England. Boydell Press. Arwill-Nordbladh, E., 2016. Viking Age Hair. Internet Archaeology, (42). Ashby, S.P., 2016. Grooming the Face in the Early Middle Ages. Internet Archaeology, (42). Behr, C., 2006. Using bracteates as evidence for long-distance contacts. Reading Medieval Studies, 32, pp.15-25. Behr, C., 2010. New bracteate finds from early Anglo-Saxon England. Medieval Archaeology, 54(1), pp.34-88. |  |
Fischer, C., 1998. Bog bodies of Denmark and northwestern Europe. Cambridge University Press.
Garrison, M.D., 1995. Alcuin's World through his Letters and Verse (Doctoral dissertation, University of Cambridge).
Goosmann, Erik. "The long‐haired kings of the Franks:‘like so many Samsons?’1." Early Medieval Europe 20.3 (2012): 233-259.
Hills, C., 2014. Spong man in context. Landscapes and Artefacts: Studies in East Anglian Archaeology Presented to Andrew Rogerson, Oxford: Archaeopress, pp.79-87.
Rundkvist, M., 2006. Notes on Axboe's and Malmer's gold bracteate chronologies. Fornvännen, 101(5), pp.348-355.
Thevikingrune. 2019. [Online]. [12 October 2019]. Available from: https://www.vikingrune.com/2014/03/viking-hairstyles-is-ragnars-haircut-historical/
Wilson, D.M. and Wilson, D.M., 1985. The Bayeux tapestry: the complete tapestry in colour. Thames and Hudson.
Garrison, M.D., 1995. Alcuin's World through his Letters and Verse (Doctoral dissertation, University of Cambridge).
Goosmann, Erik. "The long‐haired kings of the Franks:‘like so many Samsons?’1." Early Medieval Europe 20.3 (2012): 233-259.
Hills, C., 2014. Spong man in context. Landscapes and Artefacts: Studies in East Anglian Archaeology Presented to Andrew Rogerson, Oxford: Archaeopress, pp.79-87.
Rundkvist, M., 2006. Notes on Axboe's and Malmer's gold bracteate chronologies. Fornvännen, 101(5), pp.348-355.
Thevikingrune. 2019. [Online]. [12 October 2019]. Available from: https://www.vikingrune.com/2014/03/viking-hairstyles-is-ragnars-haircut-historical/
Wilson, D.M. and Wilson, D.M., 1985. The Bayeux tapestry: the complete tapestry in colour. Thames and Hudson.
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